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While Europe is the continent where the greatest destruction, displacement and genocide occurred during the Second World War, its very rapid recovery not only arouses the surprise and admiration of any observer, but simultaneously creates the desire to study and learn as much as possible. many from Europe. The historian Tony Judt tries to do this second, through his book "Postwar, A History of Europe Since 1945" (Vintage Books, London 2010). What this book (in my opinion) more or less suggests is that the evils and WWII itself came to Europe as a result of indoctrination, nationalism, hatred, oppression and lack of reason. Meanwhile, the good things and the very quick recovery after the war, came to Western Europe as a result of getting away from indoctrination, from oppression, from hatred, from nationalism and lack of reason. As the author points out (page 157), all the signatories of the Treaty of Paris (1951) that created the European Coal and Steel Community were Christian Democrats and three of them (Schuman, Adenauer, De Gasperi) were born in border areas and unstable identity. A few years ago, people with Catholic beliefs and unclear ideological or linguistic identity would have found it difficult, if not impossible, to rise so high in power. However, the Second World War had destroyed all the norms of Europe from 1910-1945 and had already brought to the surface parties, figures and values ??that belonged to pre-war Europe. Such were almost all the Christian Democratic leaders who created the European Community and in opposition to their predecessors in power (fascists, Nazis, nationalists, socialists and communists), these figures who returned to the political scene of Europe, after an absence of almost fifty years, did not have any clear political ideology or any immutable party manifesto. Their political program was defined only in some old prescriptions of the Christian spirit, such as family, tradition, solidarity, well-being and other terms that in the Europe of a few years ago were laughed at and silenced, but now (in the Europe awakened from the darkness and the horror of war) return to the mass consciousness not as solutions or concrete proposals, but rather as terms that above all convey feelings, hope or warmth, in a continent as wounded by war as it is insecure. It should be mentioned here, of course, that overcoming or breaking a fifty-year spirit and returning to an almost forgotten political tradition (in the Christian Democratic tradition) were not things that happened automatically and automatically in post-war Europe. They were not, so to speak, logical parts of plan B or solutions that the peoples of Western Europe kept in case their plan A failed. It took dozens of sacrifices (failures, destruction, deaths) and a powerful intervention by the US for Europe to an old political identity was restored, an identity that for fifty consecutive years was either suppressed or ridiculed by the nationalist and socialist parties. What was also needed, for this political recoloring of Western Europe, was undoubtedly the radical change of the electorate. As Tony Judt (page 80) mentions, the electoral advantage of Christian democratic parties would be achieved only thanks to women. In short, fashionable grandfathers, like Konrad Adenauer in Germany and Alcide De Gasperi in Italy, would probably not remain in history, if it were not for the millions of women who are losing their sons, brothers, fathers and husbands, now more than ever they voted for those politicians who promised security and peace, instead of those who promised new adventures (of one or the other ideology). Although the women of those years were less educated than the women of today, their contribution to the fundamental change of Europe was through election and voting, at a time when millions of men had killed and maimed their husbands, for one flag or another, for causes of any kind, causes that a moment later would be called into question, they would be rejected, hated, and even make many of these enlisted men feel ashamed and guilty in front of their families. Although Albania today is not in the same situation as Albania and Europe in the 1940s, I belong to those who believe that you can always learn useful things from past histories. This, more or less, is also the reason why I took some time for the readers with my thoughts about the book "Postwar, A History of Europe Since 1945" by Tony Judt. I found the facts and lectures contained in the book interesting, while the few things I have quoted myself above I believe serve my purpose well enough to advise Democrats and any reader. Even though Albania today has not woken up from any war, the look and feel it gives you leaves nothing to be desired, it even looks like that country needs saving. Like Europe after World War II, most of Albania today looks like an abandoned, run-down, polluted and ruined country. Just as Europe after the war had a surplus of widowed or unmarried women, Albania today is also a country where women make up the majority of residents, the vast majority of students, the majority of the workforce, the majority of the electorate. Just as Europe after the Second World War was immersed in a gap of identity, ideology, faith and morality, so Albania is experiencing all these shortcomings and gaps today. Just as Europe experienced the transition from fascism to democracy, Albania today also continues its journey to break away from the communist past (although less successfully than Europe). In this "post bellum" internship and the thirty-year transition that Albania has entered due to bad governance, corruption and moral nihilism, I believe that post-war Europe can serve us as a good example and lesson. Although the history of Europe is not enough to get Albania out of the economic crises (where the factors are of several kinds), from this history perhaps a lot can be learned to get Albania out of its political and moral crises. As stated above, Europe managed to overcome its moral crisis by returning to an old past, to a Christian Democratic tradition that more than anything else speaks of reconciliation, well-being and justice. In Albania, we have never had such a tradition. But being located so close to the rest of Europe, the time has come for us to learn from her and to constantly dictate many things to ourselves. Also, if we don't joke about this need for learning and self-correction, and we don't do it enough to throw ashes in the eyes of the international community, then reconciliation, well-being and justice are not only recited in election campaigns, but we turn them into action. If the country's opposition is serious about its desire to see a different Albania, then it must first apply this European and democratic spirit to itself. It has become a bad Albanian habit for bosses to dictate, while everyone else (especially women) obeys. With this habit, Edi Rama and his party persistently continue to govern badly or worse (and not blush at all with the monthly scandals), while Sali Berisha and his party lose every time and worse. Although Sali Berisha and his subordinates attribute the next defeat to the electronic system and the buying and selling of votes, an ugly thing that happened in these elections was the very poor representation of women. If one takes into account that Albania is the country where women constitute the majority of the electorate, the majority of the working class and they (in contrast to the women of the 1940s) today constitute the vast majority in all Albanian high schools and universities, then their candidacy lukewarmness for the eleven percent of municipal posts can only be seen as a national shame. Shame on the ruling party, shame on the opposition parties as well. In this state where Albania is badly governed and the opposition is failing, I believe that the time has come for the Albanian decision-makers to first look at themselves in the mirror and then to remind others. If the opposition really wants a new Albania to be born in the next elections, then it should not use women for decoration and facade, but give them as much (free) voice as possible and, if possible, put them in the leadership of own. If the opposition wants to expand its electorate, then it should appoint people who speak the language of the majority and not people who give orders to the majority as leaders. Women today are the majority in Albania, they are the overwhelming majority in Albanian universities, and maybe only with their help and contribution (free and not imposed by male bosses) the country will be able to get out of the abyss where the arrogance of Edi Rama and the failed opposition of the male trio Basha-Meta-Berisha. but to give them as much (free) voice as possible and, if possible, place them in its leadership. If the opposition wants to expand its electorate, then it should appoint people who speak the language of the majority and not people who give orders to the majority as leaders. Women today are the majority in Albania, they are the overwhelming majority in Albanian universities, and maybe only with their help and contribution (free and not imposed by male bosses) the country will be able to get out of the abyss where the arrogance of Edi Rama and the failed opposition of the male trio Basha-Meta-Berisha. but to give them as much (free) voice as possible and, if possible, place them in its leadership. If the opposition wants to expand its electorate, then it should appoint people who speak the language of the majority and not people who give orders to the majority as leaders. Women today are the majority in Albania, they are the overwhelming majority in Albanian universities, and maybe only with their help and contribution (free and not imposed by male bosses) the country will be able to get out of the abyss where the arrogance of Edi Rama and the failed opposition of the male trio Basha-Meta-Berisha.
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